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0021213

歪酷博客

Le temps detruit tout
小竹子 @ 2010-09-25 16:56

看Mad Men,老是想研究一下六十年代的广告业。现在和工作相关了,不能懒了,打算好好研究,这个就是开始。我想想。


 
小竹子 @ 2010-07-24 12:30

2009年4月到6月

4至6月份软银手机新增用户数为32.33万,远超其他运营商,加上通信费收入的大幅增加,软银本财年第一季度销售额创下同期历史新高,达6663亿日元(1美元约合95日元),同比增加3%。纯利润为273亿日元,同比大增41%。

    另一方面,NTT多科莫公司则因夏季新款机型出现部分故障导致上市延期,手机的销量同比减少了12%,销售额因此减少7%,为1.0847万亿日元,纯利润为1473亿日元,同比下滑15%。

    KDDI公司当季手机销量跌幅最高,达到23%,销售额为8537亿日元,同比减少2%。不过,得益于支付给代理店的手续费减少,该公司纯利润有19%的增长,为864亿日元。



 
小竹子 @ 2010-07-24 10:28

Ilohas在2008-2009年挤走了法国人的生意,抢占了14%的市场份额。

1. Ilohas在日本本土生产,号称绿色少污染。
2.ILohas包装时尚,可以把瓶子揉成条状,广告突出包装的奇特
3. Ilohas的广告频率很高,每次的GRP相对较少;法国人的相反。

事实证明,日本市场是欧美之后比较成熟的市场,日本人愿意为产品的包装意义等多付钱。更加买环保的帐。广告方面,是不是法国人的频率太低,播放太集中了呢?

http://www.canaria-world.com/works/ilohas_en.html



 
小竹子 @ 2010-04-10 14:03

这些都是有良知的




樊纲还说了,目前的通货膨胀不算什么嘛,“仅用一年时间,各国经济就已企稳,避免了比1929年那次人类历史上最大金融危机更为严重的大萧条的发生,可以称得上是人类的一次进步。”

国家统计局:去年房价上涨1.5%!

我爱郎咸平




 
小竹子 @ 2009-05-14 22:09

Definition of monetary sterilization:

To maintain a certain exchange rate target, central bank reacts by means of open market operations to counteract the effects of exchange market intervention on a country’s monetary base, such is defined as sterilization. There are a number of ways to implement sterilization, including selling market instruments, such as government bonds or central bank bills, repurchasing re-lending, controlling credit scale and increasing saving reserve ratio.

Reserve Accumulation and Sterilization Response

 

1.    Funds outstanding for foreign exchange:

 

By the end of 2008, China’s foreign reserves have amassed over US$ 2.3 trillion. Since January 1994, when Chinese currency was officially devalued from 5.8 RMB/USD to 8.45, the Foreign Assets became the main source of Money Supply. Since 2002, the growth rate of Net Foreign Assets has remained larger than the growth rate of M1. In fact, the sterilization index (Growth rate of NFA/Growth rate of M1) has reached to 3.41, while the international experience tells that the safe value should be within 0.5 and 1.5. Now China is undertaking a huge pressure on monetary sterilization, which might disturb the normal arrangement of monetary policy.

 

 

Growth

rate of NFA

Growth rate of M1

Sterilization Index

1999

6.6%

17.7%

0.37

2000

5.1%

15.9%

0.32

2001

27.4%

12.7%

2.17

2002

17.9%

18.4%

0.97

2003

34.4%

18.7%

1.84

2004

51.3%

14.1%

3.64

2005

35.3%

11.8%

3.00

2006

35.1%

17.5%

2.01

2007

46.0%

21.0%

2.19

2008

30.6%

9.0%

3.41



 
小竹子 @ 2009-05-12 04:58

AKG K450,New launched king of headphones from Austria. I just love love and love it! Take my words for that: EARPHONE is so much more important than your music player.


全方位立体化追求高品位2b物质生活

Peace



 
小竹子 @ 2009-05-04 02:30

我妈妈跟我说:"你应该买个日记本写写日记,你呆的地方太美了,你现在的年龄太好了."诸如此类的,我每次跟我妈妈说话都觉得她虽然表面二了吧唧,但是她在最近几年是越活越明白了。让我特别自豪,我妈妈一直都是最酷的妇女。

一直都没写过日记,但是去年的这个时候我开始写,连本都懒得买,就几页纸。那是我人生最痛苦的一段时间,我每天都在纠结,现在翻当时的日记简直不敢想象,怎么可以反差这么大,但是现在我还是非常理解当时的我,我能走到现在我心里面充满了感激。今天是星期日,日内瓦所有地方都关门了,我特别后悔 没有买日记本,因为现在很想很想写。

我不知道能有多少人看过Stealing Beauty这个电影,原名类似于“独自跳舞”,或者多少看过的人能爱它,或者像我这么爱。我一直觉得这是我看过的最温暖的描写女生的电影,里面的女主角是我看过最最最最可爱的人物,怎么可以这么可爱?里面的故事说简单也简单,说大也很大,看完了我每次都感动。

18,9岁的Lucy背个包包从纽约来到意大利农村,名义上是她爸爸(养父)说要把她送来给她妈妈(已故)的老朋友-- 一个意大利艺术家做雕刻的人体模型;但实际上,Lucy是:1.来找小的时候最爱的一个男孩 2.搞清自己的亲生爸爸是谁。我相信你一开始就能喜欢这个背着包包,听Hard Rock,睡觉留口水的Lucy。怎么会有这么自然可爱的女生。Lucy的到来让所有老,中青三代男人兴奋,因为他们得知如此美丽性感的Lucy居然还是处女。于是无论男女老少,对Lucy今后的性生活动向有着猥琐和小市民心态的偷窥心里(也没这么夸张拉,大家还都是很和谐地爱Lucy的)。而Lucy知道大家都在看她,所有男生都爱她,但是依然举止自然大方,不卑不亢,可爱如常。

Lucy有一个去世的妈妈留下的老日记本。她会每天在月光下,坐在乡下平方的窗户上,抽着小烟,拿着妈妈的日记,阅读妈妈当初在这里面时候的描述;拿着小纸条写一些话。我不确定,但是我印象中她是每次都把写的东西撕掉或者烧掉或者扔掉。半夜的时候,Lucy会自己哭泣,白天依然快活依旧。

Lucy特别焦急的等待自己最爱的意大利男孩回来。最后男孩回来了,身边总是有不同的女孩。Lucy终于有机会把第一次给他了,但是突然Lucy觉得非常恶心,把他推开,跑回家大哭。Lucy还要找爸爸,她怀疑好几个人。最后终于确定的时候,Lucy不卑不亢得过去。她得到了特别含糊的回答,但是她也不喋喋不休,因为一切终于清楚。Lucy说:“我不会问任何人的,”然后微笑着擦干眼泪。爸爸解风情得把Lucy抱紧:"到底你是怎么长成这么可爱的女生的?"Lucy终于找到了爸爸,她并不想纠缠,只是想给自己一个交待,再也不会有半夜的哭泣了。

另一个意大利男生害羞得把Lucy带到小溪旁,大树下,坦白当初的信都是他写的,可是Lucy一直以为是之前的男生。Lucy说着说着死去的妈妈就哭了。男孩也跟着哭。Lucy:"你为什么哭呢?" 男孩:"因为我很想亲你." 于是Lucy就把第一次给了他。这是我看过的最美最美的一段没有床的床戏。最后Lucy和男孩一起走在乡间的小路上。

我觉得意大利的原名,一个人跳舞,非常非常好。肯定因为商业的种种,才来了个beauty的。虽然爸爸的问题并不是每个女生都有,但是我总觉得每个女生看完了,都觉得这个电影是写所有女生的青春的。我不想灌任何大帽子给任何东西,我只是身在电影中无时无刻不感到温暖。就像我当初看,All about my mom,从头到尾写变性人的片子,结尾我也哭了,而且心里面特别特别温暖。我特别爱这样的感觉。我这么多年做的最多的事情就是看电影,看了很多很多很多。到日内瓦的第一年看了这个电影,就一直留着,时不时得我会拿出来再看看,每次都变得更感动更喜欢。所以如果有人问我我最爱的电影,我终于有答案了,虽然也不是什么有代表的名片。

我觉得我妈妈说的特别对,我现在每天看到的,身边发生的,自己经历的,憧憬的,一切一切都这么的美好,我真的应该把它们都写下来。我明天就要去买一个非常非常好的日记本,还要厚,写好几年的那种。而且我要买纸张焦黄,封面破旧的,里面一切的照片我都会以打印机黑白的形式打印出来。因为我不能忍受的是,彩色崭新的东西变成焦黄黑白的样子,不如从头到尾都是这样吧。

我真心憧憬,并且一直致力于做Lucy一样的女生,以后老了的时候,自己再看我的日记会很爱很爱曾经,当然也是现在的自己!







 
小竹子 @ 2009-04-10 20:30

"In My Secret Life"

I saw you this morning. 清晨我看到了你
You were moving so fast. 你如此匆匆而过
Can’t seem to loosen my grip我无法放松
On the past.                                   抓紧过去的手
And I miss you so much. 然而我是多么的想念你           
There’s no one in sight.我的眼里容不下任何人
And we’re still making love然后我们依然热恋着
In My Secret Life. 在我秘密的生活里

I smile when I’m angry. 我怒火中烧却面带微笑
I cheat and I lie. 我欺骗,我撒谎
I do what I have to do 我做任何我能做的
To get by. 去混混度日
But I know what is wrong,但是我知道什么是错
And I know what is right. 知道什么是对
And I’d die for the truth而且我会为真理而亡
In My Secret Life.在我的秘密生活中

Hold on, hold on, my brother.坚持住,坚持住,我的兄弟
My sister, hold on tight.我的姐妹,努力坚持住
I finally got my orders.我终于得到了我的指令
I’ll be marching through the morning,我将阔步穿过早晨
Marching through the night,阔步穿过夜晚
Moving cross the borders阔步穿过我那秘密生活的边界
Of My Secret Life.

Looked through the paper.看穿一页薄纸
Makes you want to cry.让人潸然泪下
Nobody cares if the people没有人在乎人的死活
Live or die.
And the dealer wants you thinking然而主宰者让你去以为
That it’s either black or white.只有黑白之分
Thank G-d it’s not that simple谢天谢地,这没有那么简单
In My Secret Life.在我的秘密生活中

I bite my lip.我紧咬嘴唇
I buy what I’m told:我接受我之所授
From the latest hit,从最新的潮流
To the wisdom of old.到古老的智慧
But I’m always alone.但是我终究是孤独
And my heart is like ice.我的心冷如冰
And it’s crowded and cold热闹却冷漠
In My Secret Life.在我的秘密生活中
****************************************************************************************************************************
过了三年,再听,还是爱,虽然每次听都有点凄凉觉得.不要脸的自己翻译了这首歌,我特别想知道是不是还有其他人听这首歌有感觉


 
小竹子 @ 2009-04-01 19:30

中国将陷入一次大萧条?
         
         作者克拉斯穆尔·佩佐夫,出生于保加利亚,现于美国阿拉巴马州奥地利经济学米塞斯研究院从事经济研究。
         
         最近读完Rothbard的《美国的大萧条》(America’s Great Depression)一书后,我忍不住将美国喧嚣的20年代与今天中国火热的经济进行比较,并且不得不得出如下结论:中国将不可避免地陷入一次大萧条,如同美国在20世纪30年代所经历的。本文的目的在于表明一种奥地利学派的观点——为什么大萧条会发生。为证实我的看法,我将在适当之处引用 Rothbard的著作(第五版)。
         
         在开始之前,我建议所有没有读过Rothbard《美国的大萧条》一书的读者都把这本书拿过来读一下。首先,这会是一次令人愉快的阅读,Rothbard 的机智写作风格使得阅读这本书充满趣味。其次,该书的第一部分发展了奥地利学派的商业周期理论,该理论对于理解信贷繁荣及之后不可避免的泡沫崩溃是不可或缺的。最后,该书的第二部分详细阐释了1920年代通货膨胀繁荣(Inflationary Boom)的出现和原因,提出了一个将之与今天中国经济政策比较的基础。
         
         着手进行我们的比较,我们需要以历史的眼光来检阅一个世界超级强权和一个正在崛起的经济巨人之间的关系。在20世纪20年代,大不列颠是世界的超级强权,美国是正在崛起的巨人。于是,大不列颠独立地施行其经济政策,而美国以多少有些从属的形式调整它自己的政策。今天,美国是这个世界支配性的强权,中国是正在崛起的经济巨人。因此很自然的,美国独立地施展政策,而中国相应地调整其自身。
         
         继续我们的比较分析,20世纪20年代不列颠帝国已经在衰落,军事上过度扩张,而为了给帝国的冒险埋单,不列颠求诸于货币贬值和持续的外贸和预算赤字政策。换言之,不列颠是一个储蓄不足、净负债的国家,而其他国家为其提供融资。而此时的美国贸易盈余,是一个净债权国。回过头来看,重要的一点是,当其他国家拧紧借贷的水龙头,并开始把资本抽返回国内时,不列颠帝国崩溃了。如今,美利坚帝国正在衰落,军事上过度扩张,并且以“经过历史检验的”(tried- and-true)货币贬值和无尽头的外贸和预算赤字方法来资助它过度扩张的帝国。换言之,美国是储蓄消耗殆尽的(savings-starved)的净债务国,而其他国家正在为其融资。同时,今天的中国贸易盈余,是一个净债权国。当其他的国家最终关闭对美国信贷的水龙头时,美利坚帝国也会崩溃吗?
         
         根据Rothbard解释,大萧条的出现是因为繁荣建立在信贷扩张的基础上。Rothbard指出,“整个繁荣期内,我们看到货币供应增加了280亿美元,8年间(1921-1929)增加了61.8%。这等于每年平均7.7%的增长,通货膨胀幅度非常显著(93页)……整个货币扩张以信贷制造的产品 ——货币替代品的形式出现……20年代产生通货膨胀的主要因素是全部银行储备的增加。(102页)”换言之,20年代,美国经历了一次通货膨胀性信贷繁荣。这在繁荣的股市和房地产市场特别明显。此外,还出现了“对外国债券的投机高潮……这是直接反映了美国的信贷扩张,尤其是由信贷扩张产生的低利率。(130页)”为抑制繁荣,美联储徒劳地尝试向市场进行道德劝说,将信贷扩张仅限制于“合法的生意”。重要的是,消费价格通常保持平衡,甚至在这一时期时略微下降”(86页)。毫无疑问,稳定的消费价格让人们觉得经济大体稳定,大部分的专业经济人士因而并没有意识到,经济本质上并不健康。对他们来说,泡沫破裂来得很意外。
         
         现在,以一种类似的形式,萧条的种子在中国种下了。经济学者欢呼中国的增长,许多人没有意识到中国正在经历一次通货膨胀性信贷扩张(inflationary credit boom),其规模让美国喧嚣的20年代相形见绌。根据官方的数据统计,2002年中国GDP增长8%,2003年的增长是8.5%,一些分析师相信这些数字是保守的。根据中国人民银行的网站,2001年一季度“货币及准货币供应”是11.89万亿元,2002年一季度是15.96万亿元,2003年一季度是19.05万亿元,而2004年一季度是22.51万亿元。换言之,2001、2002和2003货币供应增长分别为34.2%、19.3%和 18.1%。因此,在过去三年间,中国的货币供应增长速度大约是美国在20年代的三倍。
         
         这样,中国股市一路繁荣,房地产市场更如火如荼,也就不奇怪了。就像美国在20年代一样,中国以贸易盈余的美元购买美国的政府债券,为外国——主要是美国提供融资。一如美联储在20年代道德劝说的努力以破灭告终,中国政府今天也进行类似徒劳的尝试,希望通过把信贷投向那些需要的产业——即通常由于政治原因获得政府支持的产业,来遏制信贷的增长。而且,在当下繁荣的大部分阶段,中国的消费物价大多平稳甚至下降,而原材料产品的价格猛然上涨,这一点十分符合奥地利派的看法,高端产品——比如原材料——的价格相对于低端产品——比如消费品——的价格上升。这真的表明,信贷扩张已经进行了相当一段时间,而通货膨胀处于高级阶段,尽管现在还没有达到一种失控的状况。因此,中国今天的经济条件与美国的20年代令人瞩目的相似,而多年的信贷扩张预示着泡沫破灭在所难免。
         
         在货币和出口政策方面的类似同样重要。20年代,英镑被高估,而且被小的国家用作储备货币。当不列颠在20年代执行通货膨胀政策,该国在向其它国家输出(lose)黄金,主要是美国。所以,“如果美国政府要使美国货币膨胀,大不列颠将不再向美国输出黄金(143页)。”使这一问题加剧的是,美国有意地刺激对外贷款(foreign lending),这进一步加强了美国农场的出口,加剧了净出口的问题,并且加速了黄金流动的不平衡。“这(对外贷款)还使得美国的贸易没有建立在一个互惠和有益交换的稳固基础上,而是基于一种狂热的——后来被证明为不健康的——贷款刺激(promotion of loans)(139页)。“胡佛(总统)对于补贴对外贷款如此热心,以至他后来表示即使坏账也促进了美国出口,因而是一种提供救济和就业的便宜手段—— 这种便宜手段后来导致代价昂贵的赖账和金融灾难(141页)。”因此,下面的讨论将清楚表明,美国通货膨胀政策背后的根本原因是:(1)抑制大不列颠对美国的黄金流出(2) 刺激对外贷款,以及(3)有意刺激出口。
         
         类似的,今天美元被高估,被用作世界的储备货币。美国执行其通货膨胀政策,正在向其它各国输出美元,主要是中国(和日本)。今天,中国的货币和出口政策与它的钉住美元政策挂钩。这样做的主要动机是,通过有意低估自己的货币,从而高估美元,中国人为地刺激其制造业出口。第二个动机是,通过买入过多的美元,并再投资于美国政策债券,中国充当了美国的对外借贷人。第三个动机,是这种对外借贷刺激美国对中国制造业出口的需求,使中国政府得以缓解其当下的失业问题。换言之,中国货币和出口政策背后的动机与美国在20年代时的一样:(1)支持高估的美元,(2)刺激对外贷款,(3)刺激自己的制造业出口。就像美国在 20年代,中国的贸易不是建立在互惠和有益交换的基础上,而是在对外贷款的基础上。毫无疑问,大部分贷款将变得成本非常高,因为贷款将被以大大贬值了的美元偿还,这反过来将加剧中国银行业日益积累的金融灾难。
         
         因此,很清楚,中国今天在滑向萧条的道路上。这次萧条的严重程度会如何,将关键取决于两方面的进展:首先,中国政府将在多长时间内追求通货膨胀的政策,第二,中国政府与泡沫破灭搏斗的顽强程度。通货膨胀扩展得越长,与破灭搏斗得越顽强,中国的萧条就越可能变成一次大萧条。还有,意识到美国在30年代的大萧条引发了世界范围的萧条是重要的,类似的,中国的萧条将引发美国的泡沫破灭,进而引发其它国家的衰退。
         
         除非提前出现一场没有被预测到的波及全世界的银行、货币或者衍生产品危机,我确信,中国的泡沫破灭将会在2008年-2009年间某个时刻发生,因为一直到2008年奥林匹克运动会在中国举办前,中国政府将肯定会继续追求一种刺激经济的政策。到那时,通货膨胀将非常可能无法控制,可能现在已经处于失控的状况,而政府除了急踩刹车和采取收缩外毫无选择。1929年,(美国)扩张在7月份停止,股市在10月份崩溃,经济在1930年崩溃。因此,考虑到在信贷收缩与经济崩溃之间有大约半年的延宕期,基于我的奥运会时间点,我将崩溃确定在2009年。无可否认,这纯粹是我的猜测;自然的,崩溃可能更早或更晚发生。
         
         尽管我把时间点定在2008年奥运会,但是Marc Faber相信,崩溃将更早发生。根据他的看法,美国将遇到一场实质性(meaningful)的衰退,这反过来将加剧在中国已经存在的制造业过剩。加上不断恶化的信贷问题,他认为中国将会在奥运会之前陷入衰退。换言之,Faber博士认为,一场美国衰退将会引发中国的萧条。的确,这非常可能是一个引发点,但即便如此,人们还需要观察中国政府让泡沫自行破灭,还是选择一条“粉身碎骨”的繁荣之路——不惜任何代价。
         
         我们应该还要考虑另一个可能的崩溃引发点,即由于中国必须进口的资源,比如矿产品价格加速上涨,令贸易盈余变成贸易赤字。面对贸易赤字,中国可能决定通过出售美国政府债券来沽出盈余,或者中国可能抛弃钉住美元。两种情况都将令染恙在身的美国经济更形恶化,并反过来打击中国。
         
         最后,崩溃可能由一场世界原油供应危机引发。石油供应如果不是已经下降的话,也已经接近临界点,而中东或者里海的局势不清将令石油供应急剧削减。从历史上看,石油短缺和伴随而来的石油价格上升总是引起衰退。如果石油危机发生,对石油日益增长的依赖将令中国无可避免地滑向衰退。
         
         总而言之,以下几种情形可能会成为中国萧条的触发点:(1)一场世界范围的货币、银行或者衍生产品危机,(2)美国的一次衰退,(3)扼制通货膨胀的措施,(4)中国失去贸易盈余,还有,(5)一场石油供应危机。
         
         不管是什么引发中国崩溃,都无疑将揭开一场全球范围衰退的序幕。正如美国从大萧条中脱身而成世界无敌的超级强权,中国也很有可能浴火而出,成为新的超级国家。 


 
小竹子 @ 2009-04-01 19:08

公元前388年,40岁的柏拉图拜访古希腊殖民地塞拉库斯的统治者、专制君主狄奥尼休斯,建议他发行面值超过实际价值4倍的锡币,以增加君主急需的财政收入,并实施严刑峻法(包括死刑)强迫臣民接受价值被严重高估的铸币。君主接受了哲学大师的货币政策,然而,臣民却拒绝使用君主的劣质铸币,哪怕冒着被砍头的危险。很快,塞拉库斯的货币体系和经济体系陷入极度混乱,并最终崩溃。一代哲学宗师成为自己货币理论的牺牲品。狄奥尼休斯将柏拉图发配到奴隶市场等候拍卖,要不是他幸运地遇到几位哲学家朋友慷慨解囊,为他赎回自由,人类哲学史必定改写。

  柏拉图或许是整个人类历史上最著名的通货膨胀受害者。然而,更为不幸的是,柏拉图倡导的货币理论和政策主张(国家全面掌控货币发行权,以货币贬值来征收铸币税或通货膨胀税),在两千多年之后依然大行其道,甚至变本加厉。今日,通货膨胀再度波涛汹涌,普天之下概莫能外。事实迫使我们追问:人类能否摆脱柏拉图货币哲学的困扰?人类有可能摆脱通货膨胀吗?

  通货膨胀乃是危害人类经济体系正常运转的最大病魔之一。数千年以来,它频繁爆发、反复无常,像瘟疫一样,从一个地区蔓延到另一个地区,从一个国家蔓延到另一个国家。它吞噬人们积累的财富,剥夺人们宝贵的工作,终结人们幸福的生活;它让无数人坠入失业、赤贫、饥寒交迫和无家可归的黑暗深渊;它曾经毁灭煊赫荣耀的帝国,颠覆数之不尽的政权,开辟专制之路,点燃战争烽火。革命导师列宁有言:摧毁一个国家的最佳途径,就是让它发生通货膨胀。凯恩斯雄辩地写道:“若要推翻目前人类的社会基础,破坏它的通货体系乃是最精妙、最有效的方法。”

  有鉴于此,探索稳定通货的理论基础、寻找治理通货膨胀的善策良方,就成为经济学家最重要的使命和义不容辞的责任。经济学历来被认为是一门众说纷纭的学问,经济学家之间似乎没有多少一致的观点。然而,遏制通货膨胀、维持通货稳定,却是所有经济学家的高度共识。不同经济学派之间的分歧所在,乃是通胀治理和通货稳定的战略和策略。数百年来,围绕货币的功能和本质、通货膨胀的根源和传导机制、人类货币体系演变的经验教训、未来货币体系的改革方向,众多经济学派百花齐放、百家争鸣、各呈异彩。其中,奥地利学派以其深刻的哲学底蕴、严谨的逻辑演绎、鲜明的政策主张独树一帜,风格别具。

  起自门格尔的奥地利学派,群星灿烂,大师辈出。门格尔之后,最著名的代表人物有庞巴维克——现代利率理论的主要奠基人;熊彼特——现代经济发展理论和经济周期理论的开拓者,企业家和创新、创造性毁灭等诸多理念,皆源自熊彼特;哈耶克——20世纪的大思想家,思想涵盖经济学、历史、哲学、法律、政治学、心理学等众多领域,1974年荣获诺贝尔奖;米塞斯——20世纪的大思想家,博大精深、自成体系,其主要著作《人类的行为》为西方思想传世经典。

  奥地利学派认为:货币乃是人类市场交换活动“自发自在”的产物,是人类自发自在经济秩序的核心组成部分,政府完全不应该控制货币。哈耶克的《自由秩序原理》明确指出:“政府控制货币是造成货币体系不稳定的原因。我们为什么不能依靠市场自发力量来提供人们所需要的交换媒介呢?”此外,奥地利学派总结人类历史的基本经验,得出了一个基本结论:“政府控制货币政策,所导致的主要隐患或威胁就是通货膨胀。”哈耶克有一句名言:“不论何时何地,通货贬值都是政府行为的后果。”米塞斯说:“政府干预货币的历史,就是一部不断将货币贬值的历史。政府试图避免货币贬值的各种恶果的努力,无不以失败告终。”

  奥地利学派既反对通货膨胀,也反对通货紧缩。然而,奥地利学派始终将避免和反对通货膨胀放在第一位。“通货膨胀确实要比通货紧缩危险得多。如果说通货膨胀和通货紧缩都是错误,那么通货膨胀便是更容易犯的错误。”奥地利学派还坚决主张:为了对抗或避免通货膨胀,政府必须停止对货币体系的干预,将政府和货币体系严格分离开来,让自由市场的竞争来决定货币的种类和货币供应量。为了从根本上排除各国政府独断专行,操纵本国货币体系来制造通货膨胀,奥地利学派倡议全盘改革国际货币体系,特别是改革以美元本位制为基础的世界货币制度,重新回到商品货币自由市场或金本位制。

  罗斯巴德的这本书,就是奥地利学派货币政策哲学最清晰的入门著作。罗斯巴德是20世纪后期奥地利学派的主要代表人物之一,是米塞斯的忠实追随者。该书最大的特点是:观点简洁鲜明、直截了当;叙述生动有趣、平易近人。不需要任何专业知识,读者就能深入理解当代人类为什么会饱受通货膨胀的困扰,亦能够平心静气地思考奥地利学派的货币政策主张是否可行。罗斯巴德秉承奥地利学派的优良传统,始终从个人决策和个人福利角度来考察货币历史和货币体系。读者阅读本书,好像是自己亲自体验历史一样,没有丝毫隔膜,因为罗斯巴德所叙述的事实,就是每天发生在我们身边的事情。我们知道货币体系出了问题,却无法用轻松的语言表达我们的担忧和愤怒,罗斯巴德替我们做了。他的论述清新、自然、质朴,同时具有极大的震撼力。

  罗斯巴德直指通货膨胀问题最本质的核心:人类的货币体系存在根本缺陷。假若我们不能从基本制度层面来改革国际货币体系,未来全人类的通货膨胀速度就将越来越快,终至无法收拾,紧随而来的就将是货币崩溃和跨国经济大战。他郑重呼吁:“除非以切合实际的金价回到古典金本位制,否则国际货币制度注定会在固定和浮动汇率之间来回摇荡。每个制度都会有一堆无法解决的问题,而后运作不良终至解体。”

  你可以不同意回归古典金本位制,你可能认为罗斯巴德的建议根本不可行,但你却无法否认罗斯巴德所提问题的紧迫性和重要性。

  罗斯巴德的著作只写到20世纪70年代初。1971年8月15日,美国总统尼克松公然摧毁布雷顿森林体系(实际上是美国政府单方面撕毁国际协议),人类货币体系从此进入真正毫无约束的美元本位制和浮动汇率时代。美元本位制和浮动汇率所制造的通货膨胀和货币金融危机,远超人类以往一切时代。我曾经简要总结20世纪70年代之后人类货币体系的根本缺陷和基本出路:

  当代全球金融货币体系的基本困难或矛盾有三。其一,美联储实际上是全球中央银行,其货币政策理应对全球负责,其他国家理应对全球储备货币发行具有制约力量,然而,美联储既不愿意对全球经济负责,其他国家也没有任何制约美联储货币发行的机制,遂造成全球货币供应量或流动性如滔天洪水般泛滥,导致人类有史以来最为严重的通货膨胀和最为频繁的金融危机。

  其二,全球汇率浮动或汇率动荡,本质上是一个全球货币自我创造或全球货币发行的倒逼机制,汇率浮动或汇率动荡内在地不断放大全球货币供应量,推高全球性通胀预期,增加全球经济金融风险。然而浮动汇率却符合美国利益(尽管是短期利益),美国和国际货币基金组织不遗余力地鼓吹浮动汇率,是对全球金融货币体系稳定最大的威胁之一。

  其三,不受约束的全球储备货币(美元)发行机制和浮动汇率,共同催生了毫无节制的所谓金融创新,导致人类史无前例的“真实经济和虚拟经济严重背离”。建立在脆弱预期之上的虚拟经济体系(诸如眼花缭乱的衍生金融产品交易,市值总额高达数百万亿;数之不尽的对冲基金和各种私募基金时刻从事着风险极高、杠杆倍数极大的金融交易),时刻都有崩溃的可能,而虚拟经济崩溃可能对真实经济活动造成毁灭性打击,因为虚拟经济体系崩溃,将摧毁现代经济赖以运转的信用体系,许多金融机构和企业破产,必然反过来极大地减慢真实经济活动。只有从这个角度观察,我们才能真正认清次贷危机的本质和根源。

  非均衡的国际货币体系以及“真实经济和虚拟经济严重背离”,乃是人类经济体系面临的最大困扰和最大威胁。从最根本的意义上说,如果人类无力改革今天的国际金融货币体系(它是一个完全的非均衡体系),那么,人类将永远处于“高通胀预期、高名义利率、高频率金融货币危机、低真实经济增长”以及“真实经济和虚拟经济严重背离”的痛苦状态,类似次贷危机的各种金融货币危机将以更高的频率、更猛烈的冲击力持续发生。

  人类经济的基本出路是:彻底改革国际金融货币体系,建立相互制约、相互平衡的国际储备货币发行机制和稳定的货币汇率体系(直至全球单一货币)。唯有如此,人类才能摆脱“真实经济和虚拟经济严重背离”所必然伴随的金融货币信用危机和总体经济危机。

  正是从这个最基本的意义上,罗斯巴德的著作和奥地利学派的货币政策主张,值得我们再一次高度重视和深刻思考。



 
小竹子 @ 2009-04-01 18:57

央行行长周小川近日表示,目前流动性稍见偏多而不是“流动性过剩”,流动性还在央行控制范围。在物价方面,他认为目前判断今年CPI指数趋势还显早,一旦看到通胀危险,加息将肯定列为应对通胀的手段之内。另外,周小川还认为,让市场在调整汇率方面扮演更重要角色,而如果贸易盈余扩大,人民币可能更快升值。

  在控制流动性方面,央行此前的操作(无论是准备金率还是央行票据对冲)有一定成效。但是,中国的流动性泛滥有着中长期的推动力。2005年以来,金融企业密集性上市造成了可贷资金的充沛。单单汇金公司的注资,就解放了大量的“人民币可贷资金”,再加上银行IPO的资金募集,自营存款(吸取新的存款)的继续扩大,银行在同业拆借市场的融资,以及资本金增量,都构成了银行体系内可贷资金规模的极具膨胀,由于这种“膨胀”来自于金融业的体制改革(上市也是一种改革),可以归类为“体制型的资金泛滥”。中国巨额贸易顺差(大量外汇占款)和强烈的人民币升值预期都给“流动性过剩”提供了持久的“动力”。可以举一个令人吃惊的例子来证明这种情况的严重性,中国银行(4.71,0.05,1.07%)和工商银行(4.8,0.05,1.05%)储蓄账户里的外币存款都急剧缩水,这意味着居民们正在将外币扔掉,换成本币。坦白地说,在本币强烈的升值预期下,市场的自发力量使得“藏汇于民”是场幻想和一厢情愿。
其实,中国的“流动性问题”是一个异端的反教科书式的难题。经典的凯恩斯式的“流动性(过剩)陷阱”说的是利率再下降也达不到刺激投资的“境地”。中国银行体系内的流动性过剩体现在可贷资金的旺盛,使得银行间市场利率不能有效上升来抑制可怕的过度投资和经济泡沫化。有趣的是,根据传统的菲利普斯曲线,可贷资金的充裕产生投资膨胀,将会带来最终产品价格的上升(即CPI会上扬),1998年以前的中国证明了这条曲线是“活”着的。但1998年之后,这条曲线则已经寿终正寝,现在,中国一方面投资膨胀产能过剩,另一方面则出现物价总水平偏低。这给学者们带来无穷的困惑和无效的争吵:单看前者,以PPI作为指标,则要警惕通胀,单看后者,以CPI作为参数,则忧虑通缩。


  如果将这两种状态用恰当的方式连接起来,就会发现,它完全地服从于奥地利学派的分析逻辑、罗斯巴德的精妙思想。根据央行公布的数据,从2004年至今,原材料、燃料、动力购进价格平均每年上涨了9%左右,但居民消费价格总水平不到2%,上游价格的确没有传导到下游,制造了令人厌恶的“传导梗阻”,但这反过来说明了什么?我们是用廉价的资本使用价格(低利率)“补贴”了这条“传导链”上的下游利益主体,而传导链的上游则“大占便宜”(它不仅享受了价格上涨带来利润,而且还享受了廉价资本带来的“补贴”效应)。对于下游企业来说,银行的贷款利率低于上游产品的价格涨幅,那么大肆向银行借钱则是非常划算的,因为资金的低成本可以抵补原材料、燃料、动力购进价格的高成本,甚至这些可怜的下游主体还有力量去发动新的“价格战”,导致终端产品价格很低廉,给人以错觉,仿佛觉得通货膨胀是遥远和不切实际的。


  扮演廉价资金型社会的角色似乎是东亚诸多国家共同的爱好,曾经的日本如此,韩国亦是。因为他们看重GDP发展,轻视阶层间利益制衡和协调,对廉价资金推动的资产价格泡沫(如房市和股市)缺乏天生的警惕,对罗斯巴德警告的“资产性通货膨胀”并无反感。他们的央行都愿意跟银行体系里的可贷资金较量,而不是跟信贷需求较量,害怕酿造“硬着陆”。


  要克服廉价资金的不良影响以及控制流动性,加息是一种必要手段。观察加息时机,不应该受“五音不全”的CPI指导。同时,应利用流动性过剩的条件,进行货币市场利率改革,比如将超额准备金利率降低到0,这样增强了货币市场利率的波动区域带;或者将存款利率的管制上限放松,使得银行可以通过提高存款利率来增加新的竞争色彩,限制活期存款的增多控制活期存款过分流向股市。另外,汇率手段也异常重要。央行应该公开篮子货币的权重,即使干预,透明化的干预也强过目前的“肮脏浮动”。总之,采用理性的、面向未来的、独立客观组合式的货币政策才真正有利于国家。



 
小竹子 @ 2008-12-09 06:14

International Policy Coordination in crises-- Failure of “Beggar-Thy-Neighbor”
Zizhu PAN
 
 
Abstract: Based on the 1979 Oil Crisis and Asian Crisis, this paper builds a simple two-country model to explain the failure of non-cooperative strategy during the crises.
Keyword: Policy coordination, Beggar-thy-neighbor, Oil Crisis, Asian financial crisis
 
Introduction:
 
With central banks working more closely together than ever, the current financial crisis has been an occasion for international policy coordination. The importance of macroeconomic policy coordination, no doubt, is the most important lesson the world has learnt from the historical crises. However, during the crisis, countries attempt to remedy the individual economic problems by means which tend to worsen the problems of other countries; such is defined as “Beggar thy neighbor”. The non-cooperative strategies taken during the 1979 Oil Crisis and Asian Crisis significantly pulled down the world economy. Our goal in this paper is to recast the arguments for coordination in terms that consider two symmetric countries’ macroeconomic goals so that to evaluate if the they can each raise economic welfare through coordination. We illustrate that non-cooperative policy making in a two-country model with flexible exchange rates is likely to result in Pareto inefficient equilibria.
 
In sector one, we will briefly introduce the negative impact of non-cooperative strategies in two major economic crises. Sector two we will build a simple model to explain the failure of non-cooperation and the benefits of coordination intuitively. Sector three states that the existence of uncertainty and lack of clear rules cause the difficulty of coordination. To overcome the obstacles, transparent information and existence of reputation are essential.
 
1.      Historical experiences of financial crisis
 
Before introducing our model, we need to turn to two major crises to understand the importance of coordination policy. Both have illustrated the failure of “Beggar-thy-neighbor” policy, but in different ways. 1979 Oil Crisis was worsened by the over-contrationary policies; while the Asian Crisis was caused by “competitive devaluations”. 
 
1.1 1979 Oil Crisis
 
In 1973 and in 1979-1982, there were two dramatic increases in price of oil, which dragged the world economy into the biggest recession since the Great Depression. The interesting point is that facing the same price shock, policy makers adopted two completely different macroeconomic policies in 1973 and 1979. A supply shock situation such as Oil Crisis brings about inflation and high unemployment rate—“stagflation”. Fighting against high unemployment rate leads one to choose expanding policies, which would further worsen inflation. In 1973 crisis, the Western nations' central banks decided to sharply cut interest rates to encourage growth, deciding that inflation was a secondary concern. As a result, a continuous high inflation eroded the health of world economy. In facing another Oil Crisis in 1979, U.S began to adopted the most politically unpopular monetary policy—contraction, which led dollar to appreciate. Dollar’s appreciation passed though the inflation pressure to other countries. In fighting towards the strong dollar, Europe and Japan had to contract as well. Lacking of policy coordination, monetary restrictions in all major countries led to excessive world contraction. Our model in sector two will illustrate the failure of “Beggar-thy-neighbor” policy in 1979 Oil Crisis
1.2 Asian Crisis
The global financial crisis that began in Thailand in 1997 had grown far larger than expected at that time. What many predicted to be no more than a slight blip in unrelenting advance of international capital markets has instead become the gravest threats to the stability of the world’s market economy since the Great Depression and Oil Crisis. The devaluation in Thailand triggered the domino effect—Asian currencies began to devaluate one by one, such as the so called “competitive devaluation”. The domino eventually stopped when China promised not to devaluate despite a huge loss.
The lesson to be learned from the historical experience is that international policy coordination is preferred to pursuing independent strategies that attempt to make one country better off at the expense of others. In order to clearly and intuitively demonstrate this conclusion, next, we are turning to a simple two-country model.
2.      A two-county simple model
 
First of all, there are several assumptions about this model. (1)There are two exactly identical countries--home country and foreign country. (2) The exchange rate is floating. (3) Social welfare loss is defined as the deviation of price and output from the natural level in quadratic form.
 
The domestic economy produces an output at the price P. Home output competes with foreign output at the price P*. The exchange rate “E” stands for unites of the home currency per unit of foreign currency. An increase in “E” implies a depreciation of the home currency. The real exchange rate Q for the home economy is defined as. It is important to keep in mind that Q could be interpretated as “terms of trade” (tot). As Q increases, the foreign goods become relatively more expensive in home country; therefore, home country gains an advantage in international trade. Taking the log form of each variable, we get equation one as follows.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (1)
 
A weaker currency (high e) spurs output (y) at the expense of output and abroad (y*) . In another word, the demand for home goods relative to the foreign goods is an increasing function of q.
----------------------------------------------------------------(2)
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(3)
 
Next, we turn to aggregate supply and price level determination.The consumer price level,  , is a geometrically weighted average of home and foreign goods prices. Foreign goods prices could be expressed in term of home currency by. Therefore, we have home CPI defined as. Denoting the logarithms of upper-case price variables by lower-case variables, we have—
 
----------------------(4)
-------------------(5)
 
Every economy has a natural status, where the economic target is achieved. We suppose the price and output level at the natural status are zero. When there is a shock in the economy, both the price and output adjust according to the shock. Denoting the natural status price level by and economic shock by s. B is the coefficient of shock, measuring the sensitiveness of price to a shock.
 
=0+Bs=Bs--------------------------------------------------------------------(6)
=0+Bs=Bs------------------------------------------------------------------(7)
Plugging equation (6) and (7) into (3), (4) and (5) yields:
-----------------------------------------------------------(8)
------------------------------------------------------(9)
 
We induce a parameter  to simplify our equations. Intuitively, 1-measures the weight of imported goods in one country. The larger 1- is, the more CPI reacts to exchange rate changes. Equation (8) and (9) combined together intuitively describe the situation of 1979 Oil Crisis and Asian Crisis.
 
When the price shock is positive (s>0), each country has an especially strong temptation to contract. A contractionary policy such as appreciation (q decreases) makes home country’s exported goods relatively more expensive and imported goods much cheaper. By currency appreciation, one country could pass though inflation to others by exporting inflation and importing deflation. However, one country’s contractionary policy is the other country’s expanding pressure; one’s appreciation is the other one’s depreciation. With all countries appreciating at the same time, these attempts will all be canceled out; no one achieves a currency appreciation. While the world economy ends up in a stagflation situation.
 
However, when the price shock is negative (s<0), is the situation during the Asian Crisis. The fear of deflation during the recession drives countries to depreciate (increase q). But one country’s depreciation is the other countries appreciation; therefore, other countries have to depreciate even more to retaliate the first “devaluater”. This eventually leads to an over-depreciation situation, which will be showed in figure 2 later.
 
Next, we introduce the welfare function. Welfare loss is measured in terms of the deviations from natural price level and output level. Since we defined the natural level price and output both equal to zero, the loss function could be expressed as :
 
-------------------------------------------------------------------------(10)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------(11)
 
The policymakers are assumed to select a rule for the policy variables to minimize a quadratic loss function consisting of deviations in output and inflation from desired levels. Minimize the loss function yields:
 
-------------------------(12)
-------------------------------------------------------------------(13)
 
Equation (12) and (13) are the best reaction functions (BCF) for the two countries.
 
2.1 Positive price shock—1979 Oil Crisis
 
Figure 1 (s>0, 1979 Oil Crisis)
                  
As showed in Figure 1, point A is the minimum loss point for foreign country, while B for home country. For example, at point A, the output of foreign country remains at zero level; while the shock is undertaken completely by home country, which is the most desirable outcome for foreign country. The dashed ellipses centered on A and B measure the welfare loss suffered by foreign country and home country. Moreover, welfare loss gets larger as the ellipse gets further away from its centre.
 
The intersect (point C) of two BRF lines is the Nash Equilibrium in our game. Starting from whatever point, the final equilibrium will converge to point C. Suppose that initially the game starts from point A. Home country finds it pays to decrease output. Witnessing home country’s cut in output, foreign country will decrease as well by moving left to the BRF* again. This time, home country will decrease even more in output by moving downwards. Eventually, the equilibrium converges to point C, where no one finds the benefit to deviate any more.
 
Unfortunately, any point northeast is better than point C. Nash Equilibrium leads to over-contractionary policy, where countries over-tighten their economies. Both countries have high unemployment rate and inflation at point C, exactly the same as the stagflation during 1979 Oil Crisis. The failure of non-cooperative strategy is that when making the decision, each country tries to insulate itself from others. But the negative spillover destinies the inefficiency of such non-cooperative strategies. On the other hand, if coordination policy is induced, both countries will be better off. Assume that we manage to combine these two countries together and the policy maker is assumed to minimize loss function considering the two countries as a whole. Since the policy maker has two identical countries, the coordination equilibrium must be the origin point, where y=y*=0, = *=Bs. Compared with point C, where  ,= *=Bs, coordination is absolutely a dominating strategy. And the loss of not coordinating is measured by  for each country.
 
2.2 Negative price shock –Asian Crisis
 
Figure 2 (s<0, Asian Crisis)
 
Following the same logic, point C is the converging Nash Equilibrium. While origin o, the cooperative point, is the dominating strategy. Each country tries to spur output by depreciation, because depreciation increases the competiveness of traded goods. Devaluation of one’s currency makes exports cheaper and more competitive, while shifting the demand from other countries to its own. Holding that, each country wants to devaluate more in order to be competitive in international goods market, which resulting in competitive devaluations. But when all try to devaluate, no one gains, and confidence runs out. The negative spillover that one has on the other determines the failure of non-cooperative strategy.
 
The problem with each country pursuing individual benefit is that it is clearly beggar-thy-neighbor in character. Under a coordination policy stance, however, this negative externality would be internalized and this time a socially desirable level of contraction or depreciation would be achieved.
 
3. International Coordination and obstacles
 
Having learnt lessons from historical crisis, the international community set out to implement international policy coordination after World War II. The two most prominent international agencies that emerged were the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Group seven countries have met periodically to coordinate their policies since 1985. The ASEAN member countries have included the macroeconomicpolicy coordination on their agenda since the crisis in 1997, and established as well anEconomic Review and Policy Dialogue, including Japan, China and Korea, in November1999. The Japanese Vice-Minister of Finance advanced a proposal for an Asianmonetary fund in 1997, but the idea was strongly opposed by the United States and theIMF, and subsequently abandoned. Recently, the closed and homogenous macroeconomic policies set out by U.S. and European Central Bank (ECB) have given current market very positive impacts especially at this worst moment. All these policy coordination prevent the world from repeating the historical mistakes. 
 
However, coordination is never an easy goal to achieve. Recently, China has begun to devalue the yuan for the first time in over a decade, raising fears that it will set off an Asian-Crisis-style race to the bottom and tip the global economy into an even deeper slump. If countries decide to play this beggar-thy-neighbor game, it will cause a deflationary shock for the whole world. Given all our knowledge about the benefits of coordination, deviation still exists, due to the obstacles of cooperation.
 
Theoretically, one could always find it benefit by unilateral cheating in short term, at least before the retaliation of others. Moreover, the late runners always undertake bigger losses; such is true during the Great Depression. The earliness a country left the gold standard reliably predicted its recovery from the depression. Therefore, it is essential to make everyone believe that the long-run gains of continuing to abide by the coordination outweigh any short-run gains to be had from unilaterally abrogating the agreement.
 
However, uncertainty of the economic model obstacles the form of agreement first of all. In our paper, we simply assume the loss function is in quadratic form taking into account the deviation of price and output, yet none having yet established itself as the most reasonable one. Over and beyond the debate on the scale of the gains to be expected, a certain number of factors make implementing coordination harder.
 
Secondly, a lack of surveillance and punishment mechanism turns agreements into empty talk. Therefore, joint targets should be publicly announced, rather than kept secret. Members must be able to monitor each other’s compliance. Punishment is not easy to apply on national level. However, the existence of reputation, are probably sufficient to enforce coordination.
 
4. Conclusion:
 
The world learned painful lessons in game theory during the several major crises. By adopting individual dominant strategy, each country had worsened and deepened the overall loss of the depression. Noncooperation is never the better off strategy in this case; such is the failure of beggar-thy-neighbor protectionist policies. Non-cooperative strategies in the 1979 Oil Crisis and Asian Crisis had worsened the world economy. Had the coordination been adopted, both crises wouldn’t spread to a world-wide disaster. Although coordination strictly dominates non-cooperative strategy, in reality, it’s difficult to make agreements among countries, due to the uncertainty and a lack of surveillance and punishment mechanism. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Reference:
 
1.      Sachs, Jeffrey and Gilles Oudiz, “Macroeconomic Policy Coordination among the Industrial Economies”, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 1984:1, p. 1-64.
 
2.      Frankel, Jeffrey and Katharine Rockett, “International Macroeconomic Policy Coordination When Policymakers Not Agree on the True Model”, American Economic Review 78(3), June 1988, p. 318-40.
 
3.      Ralph C. Bryant, Brookings Institution, International Monetary Fund, Centre for Economic, Macroeconomic Policies in an Interdependent World, International Monetary Fund, 1989, p.15-23.